Growth will hinge on the policy to sell natural resources rather than merely opening up the economy to more FDI 
By Mohan Sule
Is more foreign direct investment the only solution to place India in the 9% growth orbit? Not only Indian commentators but even US President Barak Obama has weighed in on this subject. Opening the Indian economy further will bring in the much-needed capital and technology required to match the pace of supply with the growing demand, so goes the reasoning. Infrastructure has been replaced with multi-brand retail, banking and insurance as sectors that could trigger an explosive expansion of GDP. Opponents fear that this would hurt the indigenous industry and proponents cite the many benefits including better access to providers of goods and services. Yet looking at the experience of opening of the infrastructure sectors, it is doubtful if mere FDI is going to boost the economy. Telecom and power are two glaring examples that demonstrate that ultimately it is policies and regulations that would determine India’s growth and not only foreign capital. The telecom sector attracted plenty of FDI till the implosion of the second-generation spectrum allotment scam of 2008. Canceling of the licenses by the Supreme Court and a stiff base price prescribed by the goverment for a new auction on fears that anything less rigorous would invite more controversy have scared foreign investors already apprehensive of India’s red tape and endemic corruption. Thus, a sector that was a showcase of India’s growth potential has unwittingly become an example of what is wrong with India’s reform program.
The two-day blackout in the northern and eastern parts of the country has also shone a light on how Indian policy makers’ balancing act of keeping prices of essentials low so as not to affect the poor and at the same time inviting investment to increase output has failed to bridge the demand-supply imbalance. Investors who want to set up power generation plants not only have to grapple with pricing of the end service and recovery of dues but also contend with securing raw material. This strange situation is due to selective opening up of the supply chain to private investors. Production of coal is controlled by a public enterprise monopoly, while the last-mile connectivity is predominantly in the hands of state-owned distributors. India’s first experiment with FDI in the power generation sector, Enron, was grounded before it could start running, as it fought a two-pronged attack from NGOs accusing it of profiteering by pricing power more than the cost of production and also slamming it for likely damage to the environment. Posco could rank next to Enron to illustrate how political compulsions can derail sound policy decisions. Foreign investors can gauge the investment climate in the country when no less than the prime minister-in-waiting Rahul Gandhi descends into Orissa to anoint himself the representative of the ethnic tribes that were to be displaced by the South Korean steel maker. In fact, the inability of the government to pass a balanced land acquisition bill has done more to hurt FDI than its reluctance to open up the services sector.
The most famous battle for putting a price tag on commodities of late is over natural gas, with the government alleging that RIL is keeping output from its Krishna-Godavari block low and the company indicating that further investment at current pricing is unviable. This must indeed sound familiar to foreign investors in the power generation sector facing coal shortage due to Coal India’s inability to undertake more investment because of price control. In the telecom sector, the scenario is reverse. Very high spectrum prices will mean there will be few operators, depriving users the benefit of low prices that arise from competition. As long as the government was controlling the supply chain of essentials, it could afford to regulate pricing, taking the subsidy on its balance sheet. But the listing of some of the public sector suppliers of scarce resources has disrupted the cozy equation, with big investors voicing their frustration at the government’s interference with market forces. Even if the economy is opened further, foreign investors will come in only if they can make profit. This is possible if producers are given operational flexibility. The rush of players in the telecom sector despite competition spawning discount pricing was in anticipation of eventual selloffs to rivals. The banking sector, which is artificially being restrained (by putting a cap on voting rights) from achieving economies of scale, is in need of capital. Removing restrictions on mergers and acquisitions will turn these two sectors engines of growth. Hiking the sectoral FDI cap is not the answer to economic slowdown. For durability, the solution is releasing the entire value chain from pricing controls and allowing industry consolidation.
Mohan Sule
By Mohan Sule
Is more foreign direct investment the only solution to place India in the 9% growth orbit? Not only Indian commentators but even US President Barak Obama has weighed in on this subject. Opening the Indian economy further will bring in the much-needed capital and technology required to match the pace of supply with the growing demand, so goes the reasoning. Infrastructure has been replaced with multi-brand retail, banking and insurance as sectors that could trigger an explosive expansion of GDP. Opponents fear that this would hurt the indigenous industry and proponents cite the many benefits including better access to providers of goods and services. Yet looking at the experience of opening of the infrastructure sectors, it is doubtful if mere FDI is going to boost the economy. Telecom and power are two glaring examples that demonstrate that ultimately it is policies and regulations that would determine India’s growth and not only foreign capital. The telecom sector attracted plenty of FDI till the implosion of the second-generation spectrum allotment scam of 2008. Canceling of the licenses by the Supreme Court and a stiff base price prescribed by the goverment for a new auction on fears that anything less rigorous would invite more controversy have scared foreign investors already apprehensive of India’s red tape and endemic corruption. Thus, a sector that was a showcase of India’s growth potential has unwittingly become an example of what is wrong with India’s reform program.
The two-day blackout in the northern and eastern parts of the country has also shone a light on how Indian policy makers’ balancing act of keeping prices of essentials low so as not to affect the poor and at the same time inviting investment to increase output has failed to bridge the demand-supply imbalance. Investors who want to set up power generation plants not only have to grapple with pricing of the end service and recovery of dues but also contend with securing raw material. This strange situation is due to selective opening up of the supply chain to private investors. Production of coal is controlled by a public enterprise monopoly, while the last-mile connectivity is predominantly in the hands of state-owned distributors. India’s first experiment with FDI in the power generation sector, Enron, was grounded before it could start running, as it fought a two-pronged attack from NGOs accusing it of profiteering by pricing power more than the cost of production and also slamming it for likely damage to the environment. Posco could rank next to Enron to illustrate how political compulsions can derail sound policy decisions. Foreign investors can gauge the investment climate in the country when no less than the prime minister-in-waiting Rahul Gandhi descends into Orissa to anoint himself the representative of the ethnic tribes that were to be displaced by the South Korean steel maker. In fact, the inability of the government to pass a balanced land acquisition bill has done more to hurt FDI than its reluctance to open up the services sector.
The most famous battle for putting a price tag on commodities of late is over natural gas, with the government alleging that RIL is keeping output from its Krishna-Godavari block low and the company indicating that further investment at current pricing is unviable. This must indeed sound familiar to foreign investors in the power generation sector facing coal shortage due to Coal India’s inability to undertake more investment because of price control. In the telecom sector, the scenario is reverse. Very high spectrum prices will mean there will be few operators, depriving users the benefit of low prices that arise from competition. As long as the government was controlling the supply chain of essentials, it could afford to regulate pricing, taking the subsidy on its balance sheet. But the listing of some of the public sector suppliers of scarce resources has disrupted the cozy equation, with big investors voicing their frustration at the government’s interference with market forces. Even if the economy is opened further, foreign investors will come in only if they can make profit. This is possible if producers are given operational flexibility. The rush of players in the telecom sector despite competition spawning discount pricing was in anticipation of eventual selloffs to rivals. The banking sector, which is artificially being restrained (by putting a cap on voting rights) from achieving economies of scale, is in need of capital. Removing restrictions on mergers and acquisitions will turn these two sectors engines of growth. Hiking the sectoral FDI cap is not the answer to economic slowdown. For durability, the solution is releasing the entire value chain from pricing controls and allowing industry consolidation.
Mohan Sule